The Years that were ASEAN, and Indonesian: Collection of Essays

The period between 2008 and 2010 was significant to Southeast Asia. During this period, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Charter came into force. The idea of one economic, political, and socio-cultural community for the 10 Member-States was ever more inching closer to reality. While this was unfolding, I was able to witness this community-building process by being at the ASEAN Secretariat in Jakarta, Indonesia in 2008 and at the ASEAN Centre for Biodiversity in 2009-2010.

This collection of essays (The years that were ASEAN, and Indonesian: Facing the odds towards regional integration and community building) revisits the significant events, burning issues, and memorable times in ASEAN and so in Indonesia in 2008-2010. They attempt to shed light on these events, issues and rekindle the times when nationalistic and regionalistic fervor was at the peak.

There are five topics that organize the essays. The first one is on regional studies. It starts with the banner year, 2008, for ASEAN when the new Secretary-General, Dr. Surin Pitsuwan, took his office and the role of the regional organization in the humanitarian operations and reconstruction projects in Myanmar in the post-Cyclone Nargis. One essay questions the inclusiveness of the regional integration process of the envisioned one ASEAN community when it comes to peoples participation in the process. The last essay on this topic is the security threat posed by North Korea and how ASEAN can address the threat.

The second topic deals with the environmental issues. Two essays focus on both the regional trends that cause problems and the regional capabilities and structures that can buck the trends.

The third topic is on the political developments in Indonesia. The Commission for Truth and Friendship (CTF) report is examined and its contextual usefulness. Then, the second presidential victory by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) is put into a global political perspective by looking at the wave of victories of oppositions in various national politics.

In the fourth topic, national security issues are discussed. In 2008, the streets of Jakarta saw the violence of student protests. At the other side of the violence are the works of the government. The last essay in the national security issues describes the deadly stampede which is a symptom of social injustice and structural violence in the country.

The last topic is on the nationalistic fervor and travel insights. Celebrating Independence Day and winning an Olympic gold generate emotional attachment to the flag and nation. Being in Jakarta, masjids and gerejas are landmarks which offer not only religious symbol, but spiritual refuge as well. Writing Jakarta without any mention of traffic jams and motorcycles is prejudicial to what it really is.

Most of these essays were published in The Jakarta Post in 2008-2010. Get the book here.

Obsession for grand things in one season: Egypt's Arab Spring

Source: http://www.abc.net.au

There is a growing obsession to achieve grand things in one season. The Arab Spring that swept Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya has shown that regime change is possible through popular revolt. In the three regime changes, the long-running authoritarian regimes were toppled. Then we thought that democracy would take root and blossom.

A year after in Egypt, that Spring has returned. As any season, the spring is entitled to have a spot in a year. Millions of Egyptians took hold of the season and brazenly showed its colors on the streets. They reflected on the sky as military helicopters carried red, white, and black.

And so we thought.

After ousting Mubarak from power, democratic election was held to determine who would replace him. It took two rounds of voting which were both very tight races. In the first round, Morsi of Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party topped with 24.78 percent of the total votes. The next candidate, Shafik, who was independent but closely associated with the ousted regime, got 23.66 percent. The top two candidates combined could not even muster majority of the votes cast in the first round. In fact the third placer in the first round, Sabahi, had 20.72 percent of the total votes. Thus, the run-off between Morsi and Shafik was on. It was a proxy fight between anti-Mubarak protesters and Mubarak loyalists. Morsi won the run-off with only 51.73 percent of the votes. It was clear that the country was divided, and the Morsi from the first round was not a popular choice among Egyptians.

After a year in power, Morsi was confronted with mass protests all over the country, calling for his ouster. The protesters were still enamored by the ideals of Arab Spring - one of which is regime change. However, the difference this time was that Morsi was in power because he was democratically elected with a fixed term. Nonetheless, the call for his ouster grew and grew louder until the military stepped in. That sealed Morsi's fate, but not his grip on and appeal to legitimacy of his power.

With all what the military did, it is very difficult to see the regime change and take-over of power as not a coup. First, it was the military who gave the 48-hour ultimatum to Morsi. In the effort to appease the protesters and military, Morsi offered a dialogue towards reconciliation. The offer was rejected by the protesters. Second, it was the military who drew the roadmap of the post-Morsi regime. The military through its Chief of Staff General El-Sisi acted on its ultimatum by ousting Morsi from power and detailing its roadmap to suspend the constitution, dissolve parliament, and form an interim council until a fresh election is held. Third, probably on the side, the military arrested the top leadership of the Muslim Brotherhood, including the elected president. Whatever people may call it, coup is looming on its shadow.

Now, the Muslim Brotherhood is threatening mass protests and veiled violence against those who violated the rights of their leaders and to restore and respect democratic institutions. In a democracy, regime change is through election.

Exceptions are welcome for a regime change. In turbulent times and conditions, the tempest of those in power must be tamed. Again, Egypt is under the tempest of Arab Spring. But the power is clearly at the hands of the military. Until now, the military's roadmap coincides with the protesters' will. But the details, and so the devil, reside in the post-Morsi scenario.

Seasons come in full circle, regardless of people's conditions. After spring, the summer heat may be too much. The discontent lingers, and so the obsession for grand things in life.

Terrorism? Invasion? Intrusion? What is it, then? The Sabah Standoff

Source: Malaysia's Ministry of Defence
(http://www.timesunion.com)

This is not to justify the actions of the armed men who sailed to Lahad Datu. This is to understand why Malaysia reacted in such a way, or an attempt in that direction to understand Malaysia's reaction.

We learn in Physics as Newton's third law of motion; for every action, there is an equal or opposite reaction.

How could Malaysian government justify its large-scale military operations involving airstrikes and bombardments against hundreds of armed men cordoned in a village in Lahad Datu district in Sabah (North Borneo)?

What about labeling the actions of those several armed men as terrorism!

Ok, what are the actions of those armed men? What did they do?

On 11 February 2013, more than 200 people believed to be followers of the Sultan of Sulu, Jamalul Kiram III, entered Sabah (North Borneo) by motorboats. They were led by Agbimuddin Kiram (Rajah Muda), a brother of the Sultan.They set foot and assembled in a Tanduo village in Lahad Datu district. Because several of them were armed, many locals fled the area in fear of their security. However, the group of Rajah Muda declared that they were there to reclaim what they rightfully own and live on what they call their homeland. Tracing historical documents, the Sultanate of Sulu claims that North Borneo is never ceded to Malaysia. (See for detailed historical perspective of the claim here).

After 17 days in Tanduo village in Lahad Datu district, no violence committed by those armed men was reported. There is no international binding definition of terrorism, but there are generally accepted elements of terrorism, such as the use of violence and the threat of it to civilians. After 30 days, there were eight (8) casualties from the Malaysian side and 53 from the claimants. All eight (8) casualties from the Malaysian side are policemen. No Malaysian civilian is reported to have died or wounded after 30 days of stand-off. The violence happened on the 18th day when the Malaysian commandos started to move into the village where the armed  claimants are holed up.

Terrorism may not be apt to describe the actions of the claimants, in this case. This is in direct contrast to the 2008 Mumbai incident when armed men shot indiscriminately and killed 164 people in the 4-day rampage. That was plain terrorism, and this? Hmmmmmm...

So let's try calling it invasion.

Well, the reported number of the claimants ranges from more than 200 to less than 300 people. Their small-scale operation enabled them to sneak into Lahad Datu without being noticed by Malaysian authorities. By no measure it can be called invasion on a territory that has tens of thousands of square kilometers in land area. Size, scale, and magnitude are essential elements of an armed action to be considered invasion.

Ok, probably it is intrusion.

You think so? Well, the armed men came uninvited. They claimed that they have the documents to prove their ownership of the property. Malaysian government must contest and refute the claim, otherwise it can not own something which is owned by another. Determining the ownership of the land is crucial in labeling the action of the armed claimants as intrusion. And the determination of ownership can be done by litigation or judicial proceeding in international court, and not by displaying one's superior military force.

Not terrorism, not invasion, not intrusion, what is it then? It is a claim, a historical claim.

For Malaysian government, the followers of the Sultan of Sulu are terrorists, invaders, and intruders. That is why a large-scale military operation is necessary. For those who know a bit better, these armed people are claimants of a land that they are going to defend against the dubious owner. They are, clearly, not against the civilians.

An Appeal to Laotian Government to Locate and Present Sombath Somphone

Below is an appeal by Ng Shui Meng, wife of Sombath Somphone who won the Ramon Magsaysay Award in 2005 for Community Leadership. He was last seen being escorted by police. But the government denied any involvement in the disappearance of Mr. Somphone who helped organize the 2012 Asia-Europe People's Forum, a parallel forum with the governments' ministerial-level Asia-Europe Meeting in Ventianne, Laos. The People's Forum was the platform for civil society to highlight their social and environmental concerns over governments' large-scale development projects.

(AP Photo/Bullit Marquez, File)

An Appeal to the Government of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic

Ng Shui Meng

Wife of Sombath Somphone

My name is Ng Shui Meng, the wife of Mr Sombath Somphone. I last saw my husband, driving in his jeep behind my car on Saturday, 15 December 2012. We were both going home to dinner. His jeep was still behind my car at around 6:00 p.m near the police post at Thadeua Road (KM 3). Soon after I did not see him anymore. When I arrived home and still did not see him, I called his handphone and a recording said that his phone was switched off.

At around 1:30 a.m. the same evening, we went out looking for him near the area where I last saw him and also went to the hospitals around the city to no avail. On the morning of 16 December we reported his missing to the village authorities and to the police and once more went looking for him in all the hospitals.

On Monday morning 17 December, we went to the Vientiane Municipality Police Station asking to review the CCTV footages taken around 6:00 p.m. We did see my husband stopped by the police at the Thadeua police post at 6:03p.m. Then we saw him getting out of the jeep and being taken into the police post. Later we saw a motorcyclist who stopped at the police post and drove off with my husband’s jeep leaving his motorcycle by the road side. Later another truck with flashing lights came and stopped at the police post and we saw two people taking my husband into the vehicle and drove off.

On 17 December, I wrote to the Chief of the Cabinet of the Ministry of Public Security outlining what I saw from the CCTV footages and sought his help to investigate the matter. On 18 December I wrote a letter to the Minister of Public Security appealing to him to give me information about my husband’s disappearance.
It is now nearly four days since the disappearance of my husband and I have yet to hear anything of his whereabouts.

I appeal to the Government of the Lao PDR to please investigate my husband’s disappearance as soon as possible, release information of his whereabouts and ensure his safety.

Losses by Pacquaio and Pablo

Devastating losses hover the Philippines. In those losses, many Filipinos tend to look up and utter, why? They still believe that the One above knows why.

The losses happened in separate locations: Mindanao and Las Vegas. The first one was about the loss of lives and properties caused by typhoon “Pablo.” The second one was about the knockout loss of Manny Pacquaio, an icon and pride of the Philippines. 

Unbelievable. That’s how the media sees the losses of lives in Mindanao. Also that’s how the boxing world describe the knockout loss by Pacquiao.

Interestingly, both losses have been associated with religious beliefs. This is not surprising. In a country where more than 80 percent rate themselves as religious, according to a 1998 Survey on Religion of the International Social Survey Program (ISSP), religion is deeply rooted in every aspect of daily life.

First in Mindanao, no less than a Catholic bishop had observed the association between the tragedy which killed hundreds of people and God’s message in the tragedy. In an interview by a Catholic-run Radio Veritas, Manila Auxillary Bishop Broderick Pabillo said, “I’m not sure if it may be just a coincidence, or God has a message that whenever it (Reproductive Health bill) is being decisively discussed, tragedies strike us.”

Bishop Pabillo, in the first instance, was refering to the controversial RH bill which is nearing passage in both Houses of the Philippine Congress. Vehemently opposed by the Catholic Church, the RH bill seeks to implement universal access to methods of contraception, age-appropriate sex education, maternal care, among others. In the second instance, the bishop was refering to this year’s  August and September massive floodings  in Metro Manila and surrounding areas which killed hundreds and displaced millions of people. During those times, the debates on RH bill were at their peak inside the halls of Congress and on the streets.

The bishop received criticisms for making the connection. Despite of that, many faithful shared  the view and connection made by the bishop. The critics, however, pointed to mining, illegal logging, and ill-preparedness of local governments and residents as the real culprits of the tragedy in Mindanao.

Second in Las Vegas, the knockout loss by Manny Pacquaio was beyond comprehension by his die-hard fans, especially Filipinos. Prior to the fight, boxing analyts put Pacquiao in a 2-1 favorite to win the fourth match with his Mexican rival, Juan Manuel Marquez. It meant that a bet of 2 dollars for Pacquaio would win 1 dollar if he prevailed. He lost by knockout.

Both boxers, in their interviews, provided their own explanations why the stunning knockout came. Marquez said that it was his technique and preparation that led to it. Pacquaio, on his part, said that it was his overconfidence when he carelessly charged for his vaunted 1-2 punch that made him a perfect recipient of a solid right counter-punch.

Boxing experts and analysts somewhat agreed on the two explanations, but they also offered their own. For example, former boxing champion Roy Jones Jr. thought that the muscular built of Marquez had added to the power which surprisingly put Pacquaio twice on the canvas; the last one was for good.

However, as we often say, mothers know best. Pacquaio's mother, a.k.a Mommy Dionisia, was interviewed, and she associated the loss to his son's change of religion. As a devout Catholic, Dionisia raised her son as a Catholic. In Pacquaio's previous fights, he would be normally seen wearing a rosary laced around his neck and making a sign of cross in every start of a round. This time (and in Bradley's fight where he lost too in a controversial decision), he was not seen wearing a rosary and making signs of a cross. His newly embraced religious beliefs prevented him from doing so.

The interview of Mommy Dionisia was beamed in a national television in the Philippines. Many Filipinos, to a certain extent through social media, gave credence to her explanation of that loss. They believe that Pacquaio received a message from the One embraced by majority of Filipinos, but may be not anymore by Pacquaio.

Similarly as hinted by the bishop, the losses in Mindanao is a message to the people who attempt to bend their religious beliefs to accommodate and, at the same time, cut the excesses of the modern world (e.g. hedonism, overpopulation, sexually transmitted diseases, etc.).

With all the given explanations of these losses, many Filipinos remain unconvinced, even by looking upward. The message might have been lost in the emotions. Incidentally, it is December. Majority of Filipinos believe that the true message is in the Child who is to come. And His message is of victory, superseding the losses of His peoples.