Spectacle in the Philippines

Source of picture: www.nytimes.com

Killings in the Philippines are becoming a spectacle. News, images and videos of everyday violence dominate the landscape of mainstream and social media. What is disturbing is that these killings are nowhere near plateauing.

Supposedly, only drug users, pushers and drug lords are targets of these killings. But there are a 4-year old Althea Barbon, a 5-year old Danica Garcia, a 20-year old Jefferson Bunuan and a 22-year old Rowena Tiamson, the last two are both promising college students, and nameless others whose lifeless bodies were literally disposed like garbage. They are the victims of the Philippine government's vicious and violent anti-drug campaign under President Rodrigo Duterte.

Duterte came to power with a promise to suppress drugs and crimes within six months in a bloody campaign, reminiscent of what he implemented in Davao City where he ruled for decades. True enough, barely three months in office, drug-related killings have reached 3,140 and counting. Police operations under Oplan Double Barrel, a national campaign against drugs, accounted for 1,105 deaths, while shadowy vigilante groups took 2,035 lives. Police operatives seem unable to match the "efficient" carnage and shroud of immunity of the vigilante groups.

Even more disturbing are the President's statements and actuations on these killings. Confronted by media, Duterte stressed that he does not care about human rights. On possible UN investigation on extra-judicial killings, he declared that he would quit the UN. Questioned by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court on the inclusion and involvement of judges in the drug list, he threatened to declare martial law. He said it before, it is going to be bloody because it is purgative.

What is more and more disturbing is that the whole spectacle is slowly dawning as a mass crime itself.

In his speeches, he sounded oblivious to the fact that as the leader of a democratic society who opts for and insists on violence as superior means to achieve a goal has the burden and stake to justify his decision. There is no escaping from a more forceful of the collective power of the governed on which an elected government heavily depends.

Duterte rallies his supporters that he is waging a revolution to get rid of drugs, crimes, and corruption. These are the realities and evils that ordinary Filipinos struggle with everyday, in which, in Galtungian view, are manifestations of violence.

Duterte has effectively unleashed an idea morphed into a belief to his ardent supporters that only violence can change dire realities, defeat evils, and overcome other violence. There may not be clear desired outcome from the elimination of these realities and evils. The violent means has become its own motive without humane end. It has become irresistible and now seen as imperative as if it were sole mandate.

That is why for Duterte and his millions of supporters, the murderous costs of the drug campaign are distracting toward the achievement of his promise and deliverance. More so, those who get in the way or potentially, including the Chief Justice, UN, media, innocent civilians and critics are to be ignored. Recently, he declared a State of National Emergency, calling the armed forces to respond to lawless violence he actually started.

His violence appears not to have a learning curve. It teaches primarily to Filipinos that violence begets violence.  Many Filipinos are beginning to find themselves again in an eerily too familiar rule that fell to disgrace not so long time ago. Ironically, he wanted that ruler to be given a hero's burial. 

For those who experienced the dictator and Martial Law, they know it will be a long struggle to end and free themselves again from this spectacle of intoxicating violence.

When several police chiefs were sacked for underperforming to meet certain targets, when the Catholic Church through Cardinal Tagle finally spoke against the killings, when the victims' sisters, mothers, fathers, brothers, families, friends and neighbors become actors and not merely spectators of this bloody spectacle, when ordinary people realize that this violence is not capable of changing their lives, and when his fanatics turn into disillusioned followers, they can all signal an eventual end to this enduring state of national emergency.

What is disturbing though is if Duterte sees no end. Six more months? It literally means more killings.

This spectacle of killings must end. We as a people could not simply watch one life after another being sacrificed for the deliverance of a promise and for an egoistic and rhetoric war. It's time to bring the curtain down. Lights off.

- END -

Draft statements of support: A survey from the Committee on the BBL of Ateneo de Naga University

Below are draft statements that express support for a, 1) meaningful self-governance for and by Moros through an empowered ARMM, 2) continued dialogue between anti- and pro-BBL to arrive at a shared commitment and decision to pursue lasting peace in Mindanao, and 3) passage of a constitutional BBL. Please read the statements and express your sentiment from five (strongly agree) to one (strongly disagree). Thank you for your cooperation.

Historical background and self-governance 

The people of Mindanao, especially the Moros and Lumads, have long suffered from protracted cycle of conflict and violence depriving them of peace, security and development. The Moros and Lumads were the original inhabitants of Mindanao. They consider Mindanao and its natural resources as their patrimony. However, colonial and post-colonial land policies marginalized the original inhabitants of Mindanao by instituting land distribution and resettlement programs designed for corporations and migrant settlers. This marginalization is one of the roots of Moro secessionism and conflict in Mindanao.

The conflict has affected our country as vital funds which could have been used for important
social programs alleviating poverty and addressing insecurities in our country are being funneled to
financing the government's war effort. War as a policy instrument implemented by the government is not a solution to the Moro secessionism. Not only does war destroy lives and properties, it distracts the government from tackling the core issues, such as marginalization and poverty. It also creates deep seethed wounds and distrust among the Moros towards the national government.

Moreover, lack of genuine political representation and legal institutional guarantees of the rights of the Moros (and Lumads) in the Philippine political system exacerbate their marginalization. Thus, there has been a heightened desire for Moro self-governance in Mindanao. The Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) is an expression and instrument towards fulfillment of this desire.

1. We support the desire and collective aspiration to have meaningful self-governance for and by Moros in Mindanao through a more empowered ARMM.

 (5) Strongly agree   (4)  Agree   (3) Neither agree nor disagree   (2) Disagree  (1) Strongly disagree

Bangsamor Basic Law (BBL) and peace process

The BBL is a proposed law that will substantiate and grant politically the Moros’ aspiration for
meaningful and more empowered self-governance characterized by their distinct culture and historical claim. While we mourn the loss of 44 brave Special Action Force (SAF) who dutifully performed their job, we must remember that civilians and Moro fighters also died in Mamasapano incident. Since thorough and impartial investigations are key in determining the truth, and consequently meting out justice for the victims and their families and demanding accountability of erring officials, let us take the opportunity of establishing lasting peace which has eluded  for so long the people of Mindanao. Let us be reminded that BBL is only a segment of the long continuum of peace process. Let us focus on the bigger picture which is peace in Mindanao. We have heard those who oppose or are tentative in supporting the BBL. Let their voices serve as an invitation to further review, discuss and scrutinize the BBL together with those who push for it. This is an essential part of the process before, if ever, we pass it into law to douse off the flame of Moro secessionism.

2. We support the continued dialogue with those who oppose BBL in the hope of converging 
at an understanding and a shared decision and commitment to pursue lasting peace in 
Mindanao.

   (5) Strongly agree  (4) Agree  (3) Neither agree nor disagree  (2) Disagree   (1) Strongly disagree

A constitutional BBL

We want a BBL that is faithful to the provisions of the 1987 Philippine Constitution and upholds
the value of diversity and democratic ideals. There is a legitimate cause for alarm since the
abrogation of the current version of the BBL, in whole or in part, may be interpreted differently by various sectors especially its most affected stakeholders, the Bangsamoro people. This is an
incalculable risk since decades-long peacebuilding efforts in Mindanao might be laid to waste if an altered version of the BBL that does not fully provide the autonomy desired by the Bangsamoro people is passed. Balance must be made between making the BBL a constitutional legislation and providing an inclusive Bangsamoro political entity that will embody the collective ideals and aspirations of the Moros (and Lumads). It is in this critical historic juncture that sobriety and discernment are called upon us who are members of an academic community. We believe that it is incumbent upon us to express and make clear our stance in this very important issue.

 3. We support the passage of a constitutional BBL.

 (5) Strongly agree  (4) Agree   (3) Neither agree nor disagree   (2) Disagree   (1) Strongly disagree

Ethno-religious identification and intergroup contact avoidance: An empirical study on Christian-Muslim relations in the Philippines

Imagine being asked: “Would you change your religious beliefs to marry the person you love? Why or why not?” It was actually the question posed to the Philippine candidate in the 2011 Miss Universe pageant in Brazil. You know what her answer: “If I have to change my religious beliefs, I will not marry the person that I love, because the first person that I love is God who created me. And if that person loves me, he should love my God too. Thank you.”

Her response did not make her win the Miss Universe title, but it won the hearts of many Filipinos. This was a clear indication of a strong religious identification and avoidance of religious out-group. In the Philippines, does this religious identification manifest in the social interaction with religious out-groups? Does it shape attitude and intention (i.e. contact avoidance) among university students who are often the most vocal sector of society? Despite increased interconnectedness through social media and global events, people are still being excluded not because of what they do, but mainly because of who they are, based on religion and ethnicity.

The Philippines is composed of diverse population groups. Several authors categorize it into Christian north and Muslim south. Behind this religious divide are ethnic groups, which are commonly identified as either Christians or Muslims. Thus, in-group and out-group can fairly be distinguished.

For decades, conflicts have been going on in southern Philippines. The conflict has conventionally been viewed “within the framework of historic ethno-religious conflict” because the groups involved are divided along ethno-religious lines.

This study looks at latent aspects of conflict through strained relations between ethno-religious groups in Metro Manila and Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) and adjacent areas.

Relations between these groups are historically characterized by majority-minority positions, hierarchy, competition and rivalry. Data collection through surveys and interviews in these areas was conducted in 2011-2012.

The aim of this study is to answer the following central questions.

1. To what extent is there a relationship between ethno-religious identification and contact avoidance? The hypothesis here is that the stronger identification, the higher level of contact avoidance.

2. To what extent can we explain the relationship between ethno-religious identification and contact avoidance by intermediate determinants? The general hypothesis here is that the relationship will be diminished because of the mediating effects of the intermediate factors.

To guide the process of finding empirical answers to these questions, this study set out to build on previously developed and well-established theoretical insights on intergroup relations.

As a dimension of ethnic exclusionism, intergroup contact avoidance could be explained by the general propositions of several theories. Realistic conflict theory posits that intergroup competition in a social conflict facilitates in-group cohesion and out-group hostility. Social identity theory involves the social processes of categorization, identification and comparison which induce in-group favoritism through social identification and out-group antagonism through social contra-identification. The complementarity of these two theories is summarized in the proposition of ethnic group conflict theory which states that intergroup competition at individual and contextual levels, mediated by perceived group threat, will reinforce in-group favoritism and out-group antagonism. The eventual outcome of which is ethnic exclusionism.

There are other theories that could well provide explanations. The inclusion of an indigenous concept called pakikiramdam (heightened awareness of self, others and situation) is a recognition of the cultural context of the research setting.

To measure intergroup contact avoidance, we ask, “To what extent would you accept or avoid having a Christian/Muslim” classmate, friend, boardmate, neighbor, civil servant, police, and mayor. In the Mokken scale analysis, both Christians and Muslims have an almost similar pattern for the seven contact roles.

They have the private domain, classmate and friend, with the most acceptance, while the public domain, police and mayor have the most avoidance. The contact role, neighbor, seems to mark the boundary between private and public. Moreover, both Christians and Muslims tend to avoid placing public contact roles, bequeathed with power, in the hands of out-groups, while they are less likely to do so with the private contact roles.

To measure ethno-religious identification, we treat identity as not merely a self-affiliation and knowledge of one’s in-group, rather, it undergoes a process in which individual actions and choices are crucial elements of the process. According to Phinney and Ong (2007, pp.272-273), the process of identification has several dimensions, such as exploration,, behaviors, commitment and attachment, relationship between ethnic identity and national identity, among others.

Who are then the people who tend to avoid contact towards out-groups? In our findings, they are those Christians and Muslims who have more religious in-group friends, greater perceived group threat, social dominance orientation, out-group religiocentrism and distrust, and fundamentalist attitudes. They are also members of religious organizations and they participate in religious practices.

Using regression analyses to test our hypotheses, the study shows the effects on contact avoidance by ethno-religious identification variables such as participation in rites of passage, number of ethnic in-group friends, and number of instances where ethnic language is used. The observed effects support the first hypothesis that the stronger the ethno-religious identification, the more contact avoidance towards the out-group. Explaining further the significant relationship between ethno-religious identification and contact avoidance, the intermediate determinants which decrease the observed effects of ethno-religious identification variables on contact avoidance are perceived group threat, out-group distrust, fundamentalism, and quantity of contact. As expected, the significant effects on contact avoidance of perceived group threat, out-group distrust, and fundamentalism, are positive, whereas the significant effect of quantity of contact is negative. Inclusion of these intermediate determinants in the model reduces most significant differences between ethno-elrigious groups. This is an evidence for the mediating function of these determinants.

The interviews provide additional data and explanations on contact avoidance. Both Christians and Muslims report incidents of everyday contact avoidance as peers and barangay-mates.

Additional expressions of religious identification are from Muslim informants who find eating halal food and wearing hijab as their expressions of being Muslims in a predominantly Christian country. One dimension which is not measured by the survey is the relationship of sub-national (ethnic) identity with national identity. While Christian ethnic groups generally identify with the national identity as Filipinos, the Muslim ethnic groups voice out some issues with being Filipinos as a legacy of oppressive colonial history.

The additional explanations are found in the three contextual factors, namely education, mass media and history of conflict. For example, the school environment has considerable impact on intergroup relations. The more mixed the composition of the student population, the more possibilities for intergroup contacts and friendships there are, and less likely there will be intergroup contact avoidance.

In closing, it is confirmed, as predicted by ethnic group conflict theory, that perceived group threat is a strong and significant predictor of exclusionary attitude, i.e. contact avoidance. Also it is confirmed that out-group distrust, a by-product of social contra-identification explained in social identity theory and ethnic group conflict theory, induces ethnic exclusionism. The finding on the quantity of contacts supports the position of intergroup contact theory, which posits that contacts reduce the likelihood of exclusionary attitudes towards out-groups.

In light of the findings and data available for further research on intergroup relations, the potency of contributing not just to the understanding of conflicts, but also to peacebuilding efforts in conflict areas, specifically in Mindanao, is very encouraging.

Bicol protest: A continuing revolution from national to local

The day was supposed to be a celebration of something local in the national revolution. Unfortunately, as in any mainstream history, the national took up and consumed any local incidences.

On the 116^th year of the Philippine independence, President Aquino came to Naga City in Bicol to recognize and highlight the role of Bicol in the 1898 Philippine revolution by remembering the martyrdom of 15 Bicolanos. Finally, a national event becoming a local one, I thought.

While he was at it, one student-activist interrupted and heckled him in Tagalog language. “Alis pork barrel king. Walang pagbabago sa bansa!” (Out pork barrel king! No change in the country.) Some meters away and out of sight from the president, hundreds of other activists were echoing the same sentiments.

Meanwhile, thousands of those who came to celebrate the day in Plaza Quince Martires, including me, were stunned by such boldness of one activist. I heard comments, “Ano na ‘yan pasale, dae man lang pigrespeto si ocassion asin bisita” (What kind of trick, it never considers respecting the occasion and guest). Many said in jest, “Dae man lang nagsabi, inibanan co cuta.” (He did not tell, I could have joined).

In Bikol culture, a guest is accorded habitually with over-welcoming and warm gestures. Thus disrupting an event with guests in attendance is not consistent with what is expected of Bikolano hosts.

However, the activist evidently did not act like a Bikolano host. Or probably he did not want to welcome certain guests and be a host to this event. Certainly for the police who apprehended him at that time, he was certainly not a Bicolano because he shouted in Tagalog language. It was not only the language that could be of interest to point out here. The message or content of the protest could also be examined. Essentially, the message was of national issue seeking national attention.

Had the language and message been of local, many Bicolanos and Bicolanas could have been sympathetic and supportive of the activist. Had he cried for autonomy for example, like others who said he could have joined him, I would have joined as well.

When the activist was dragged past near my location, he was still shouting, “walang pagbabago…”(no change), and obviously resisting several police officers who were dragging him away from Plaza Quince Martires heading to a another plaza called Plaza Quezon where I last saw a group of police surrounding him.

From a plaza named after local heroes to a plaza named after a national hero, it was like a local concern being brought to national attention which often suppressed any local origins. The revolution in 1898 will always be viewed as national, as if regional efforts reflected the national project. After 116 years, that project needs to be localized to embody regional aspiration for liberation. The revolution must be continued to finally free us from the hands of the guests in our homeland.

Don't forget the social aspect of the peace agreement

On 27 March 2014, the Philippine government and Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) have set the historic and formal signing of the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB). Hopes are high, but reality checks won't hurt if we do them right.

Conflict does not necessarily end in the signing of peace agreement. It mainly addresses the political and economic issues of the conflict which are structural in nature and perceived to be the causes of the conflict. What is often overlooked is the underlying social issues of dysfunctional and asymmetric relationships of the groups involved. In the Philippine case, the groups involved are divided along ethno-religious lines.

Here, I would like point out three things: 1) as ordinary citizens of the Philippines, we can help in this peacebuilding effort; 2) signs of times are in advanced and matured stages for peacebuilding to take root; 3) importance of intergroup trust in the consummation of the peace agreement.

As ordinary citizens, whether Christians or Muslims or non-believers, as Filipinos or peace-loving people, we have a stake in this historic moment. Peace in Mindanao means peace to the whole Philippines. As our saying goes, "Ang sakit sa kalingkingan ay ramdam ng buong katawan" (The pain of the small finger is felt by the whole body). To paraphrase, if parts of Mindanao get burnt, the whole Philippines is in pain. Thus, we must take an active stance on this peace agreement.

Signs of times related to intergroup relations are favorable to this agreement to take hold. For example, in August 2012, the first Muslim newscaster appeared on a Manila-based national television wearing a hijab and traditional ethnic dress to project her ethno-religious identity. Later that year, the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro was signed paving the way for the historic signing of CAB along with pertinent and detailed Annexes of the agreement. These incidents are indications of attempts to ease and end the conflict.

However, any attempts to end the conflict through formal peace agreement must be backed by social understanding of the situation. What is the evaluation on the integroup relations? How do Christian and Muslim ethnic groups interact and deal with each other? Are they willing to be friends or neighbors? Can they allow an out-group to hold power?

In our study, Ethno-religious groups, identification, trust and social distance in the ethno-religiously stratified Philippines (Abanes, Scheepers & Sterkens, 2014), people's unwillingness to make contact with out-groups, as measured by social distance, is low. Generally, Filipinos tend to be less socially distant from their religious out-group. We found out that what explained this low social distance between ethno-religious groups is trust. When Christians and Muslims trust each other, they are less likely to oppose religious out-groups to be their friends, neighbors, or to hold power such as police, civil servant, and mayor. With trust, they are more likely to accept their religious out-groups. Without trust, social barriers and issues may emerge to block any progress towards that elusive peace, even with the peace agreement in place.

Let this historic moment, 27 March 2014, be an opportunity for the groups involved in theconflict to build an inclusive Philippine society of which Bangsamoros and other ethno-religious groups are all part.

As non Moros, how to help advance the peace agreement between the Philippine Government and MILF

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Frack U Mexico from NarcoNewsTV

This is how to popularize and inform the public about an issue! Getting the side of the government is ingenious! There is so much to learn from this video. Thank you, Greg!

Frack U. Mexico

Directed by Greg "Gringoyo" Berger

Screenplay by Al Giordano

Good news! Mexico has the fourth largest shale gas reserves in the world, and the Mexican Congress is about to change the constitution so that private companies can drill for it. That means that U.S. companies will soon be there, fracking for gas. Sure, there may be some complications from the more than 500 chemicals that will be pumped into Mexico's aquifers, but never fear: Joe T. Hodo, President of "Frack U. Mexico!" is here to show you why Mexicans should stop worrying and learn to love fracking...or else.

The Years that were ASEAN, and Indonesian: Collection of Essays

The period between 2008 and 2010 was significant to Southeast Asia. During this period, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Charter came into force. The idea of one economic, political, and socio-cultural community for the 10 Member-States was ever more inching closer to reality. While this was unfolding, I was able to witness this community-building process by being at the ASEAN Secretariat in Jakarta, Indonesia in 2008 and at the ASEAN Centre for Biodiversity in 2009-2010.

This collection of essays (The years that were ASEAN, and Indonesian: Facing the odds towards regional integration and community building) revisits the significant events, burning issues, and memorable times in ASEAN and so in Indonesia in 2008-2010. They attempt to shed light on these events, issues and rekindle the times when nationalistic and regionalistic fervor was at the peak.

There are five topics that organize the essays. The first one is on regional studies. It starts with the banner year, 2008, for ASEAN when the new Secretary-General, Dr. Surin Pitsuwan, took his office and the role of the regional organization in the humanitarian operations and reconstruction projects in Myanmar in the post-Cyclone Nargis. One essay questions the inclusiveness of the regional integration process of the envisioned one ASEAN community when it comes to peoples participation in the process. The last essay on this topic is the security threat posed by North Korea and how ASEAN can address the threat.

The second topic deals with the environmental issues. Two essays focus on both the regional trends that cause problems and the regional capabilities and structures that can buck the trends.

The third topic is on the political developments in Indonesia. The Commission for Truth and Friendship (CTF) report is examined and its contextual usefulness. Then, the second presidential victory by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) is put into a global political perspective by looking at the wave of victories of oppositions in various national politics.

In the fourth topic, national security issues are discussed. In 2008, the streets of Jakarta saw the violence of student protests. At the other side of the violence are the works of the government. The last essay in the national security issues describes the deadly stampede which is a symptom of social injustice and structural violence in the country.

The last topic is on the nationalistic fervor and travel insights. Celebrating Independence Day and winning an Olympic gold generate emotional attachment to the flag and nation. Being in Jakarta, masjids and gerejas are landmarks which offer not only religious symbol, but spiritual refuge as well. Writing Jakarta without any mention of traffic jams and motorcycles is prejudicial to what it really is.

Most of these essays were published in The Jakarta Post in 2008-2010. Get the book here.

Obsession for grand things in one season: Egypt's Arab Spring

Source: http://www.abc.net.au

There is a growing obsession to achieve grand things in one season. The Arab Spring that swept Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya has shown that regime change is possible through popular revolt. In the three regime changes, the long-running authoritarian regimes were toppled. Then we thought that democracy would take root and blossom.

A year after in Egypt, that Spring has returned. As any season, the spring is entitled to have a spot in a year. Millions of Egyptians took hold of the season and brazenly showed its colors on the streets. They reflected on the sky as military helicopters carried red, white, and black.

And so we thought.

After ousting Mubarak from power, democratic election was held to determine who would replace him. It took two rounds of voting which were both very tight races. In the first round, Morsi of Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party topped with 24.78 percent of the total votes. The next candidate, Shafik, who was independent but closely associated with the ousted regime, got 23.66 percent. The top two candidates combined could not even muster majority of the votes cast in the first round. In fact the third placer in the first round, Sabahi, had 20.72 percent of the total votes. Thus, the run-off between Morsi and Shafik was on. It was a proxy fight between anti-Mubarak protesters and Mubarak loyalists. Morsi won the run-off with only 51.73 percent of the votes. It was clear that the country was divided, and the Morsi from the first round was not a popular choice among Egyptians.

After a year in power, Morsi was confronted with mass protests all over the country, calling for his ouster. The protesters were still enamored by the ideals of Arab Spring - one of which is regime change. However, the difference this time was that Morsi was in power because he was democratically elected with a fixed term. Nonetheless, the call for his ouster grew and grew louder until the military stepped in. That sealed Morsi's fate, but not his grip on and appeal to legitimacy of his power.

With all what the military did, it is very difficult to see the regime change and take-over of power as not a coup. First, it was the military who gave the 48-hour ultimatum to Morsi. In the effort to appease the protesters and military, Morsi offered a dialogue towards reconciliation. The offer was rejected by the protesters. Second, it was the military who drew the roadmap of the post-Morsi regime. The military through its Chief of Staff General El-Sisi acted on its ultimatum by ousting Morsi from power and detailing its roadmap to suspend the constitution, dissolve parliament, and form an interim council until a fresh election is held. Third, probably on the side, the military arrested the top leadership of the Muslim Brotherhood, including the elected president. Whatever people may call it, coup is looming on its shadow.

Now, the Muslim Brotherhood is threatening mass protests and veiled violence against those who violated the rights of their leaders and to restore and respect democratic institutions. In a democracy, regime change is through election.

Exceptions are welcome for a regime change. In turbulent times and conditions, the tempest of those in power must be tamed. Again, Egypt is under the tempest of Arab Spring. But the power is clearly at the hands of the military. Until now, the military's roadmap coincides with the protesters' will. But the details, and so the devil, reside in the post-Morsi scenario.

Seasons come in full circle, regardless of people's conditions. After spring, the summer heat may be too much. The discontent lingers, and so the obsession for grand things in life.

Terrorism? Invasion? Intrusion? What is it, then? The Sabah Standoff

Source: Malaysia's Ministry of Defence
(http://www.timesunion.com)

This is not to justify the actions of the armed men who sailed to Lahad Datu. This is to understand why Malaysia reacted in such a way, or an attempt in that direction to understand Malaysia's reaction.

We learn in Physics as Newton's third law of motion; for every action, there is an equal or opposite reaction.

How could Malaysian government justify its large-scale military operations involving airstrikes and bombardments against hundreds of armed men cordoned in a village in Lahad Datu district in Sabah (North Borneo)?

What about labeling the actions of those several armed men as terrorism!

Ok, what are the actions of those armed men? What did they do?

On 11 February 2013, more than 200 people believed to be followers of the Sultan of Sulu, Jamalul Kiram III, entered Sabah (North Borneo) by motorboats. They were led by Agbimuddin Kiram (Rajah Muda), a brother of the Sultan.They set foot and assembled in a Tanduo village in Lahad Datu district. Because several of them were armed, many locals fled the area in fear of their security. However, the group of Rajah Muda declared that they were there to reclaim what they rightfully own and live on what they call their homeland. Tracing historical documents, the Sultanate of Sulu claims that North Borneo is never ceded to Malaysia. (See for detailed historical perspective of the claim here).

After 17 days in Tanduo village in Lahad Datu district, no violence committed by those armed men was reported. There is no international binding definition of terrorism, but there are generally accepted elements of terrorism, such as the use of violence and the threat of it to civilians. After 30 days, there were eight (8) casualties from the Malaysian side and 53 from the claimants. All eight (8) casualties from the Malaysian side are policemen. No Malaysian civilian is reported to have died or wounded after 30 days of stand-off. The violence happened on the 18th day when the Malaysian commandos started to move into the village where the armed  claimants are holed up.

Terrorism may not be apt to describe the actions of the claimants, in this case. This is in direct contrast to the 2008 Mumbai incident when armed men shot indiscriminately and killed 164 people in the 4-day rampage. That was plain terrorism, and this? Hmmmmmm...

So let's try calling it invasion.

Well, the reported number of the claimants ranges from more than 200 to less than 300 people. Their small-scale operation enabled them to sneak into Lahad Datu without being noticed by Malaysian authorities. By no measure it can be called invasion on a territory that has tens of thousands of square kilometers in land area. Size, scale, and magnitude are essential elements of an armed action to be considered invasion.

Ok, probably it is intrusion.

You think so? Well, the armed men came uninvited. They claimed that they have the documents to prove their ownership of the property. Malaysian government must contest and refute the claim, otherwise it can not own something which is owned by another. Determining the ownership of the land is crucial in labeling the action of the armed claimants as intrusion. And the determination of ownership can be done by litigation or judicial proceeding in international court, and not by displaying one's superior military force.

Not terrorism, not invasion, not intrusion, what is it then? It is a claim, a historical claim.

For Malaysian government, the followers of the Sultan of Sulu are terrorists, invaders, and intruders. That is why a large-scale military operation is necessary. For those who know a bit better, these armed people are claimants of a land that they are going to defend against the dubious owner. They are, clearly, not against the civilians.

An Appeal to Laotian Government to Locate and Present Sombath Somphone

Below is an appeal by Ng Shui Meng, wife of Sombath Somphone who won the Ramon Magsaysay Award in 2005 for Community Leadership. He was last seen being escorted by police. But the government denied any involvement in the disappearance of Mr. Somphone who helped organize the 2012 Asia-Europe People's Forum, a parallel forum with the governments' ministerial-level Asia-Europe Meeting in Ventianne, Laos. The People's Forum was the platform for civil society to highlight their social and environmental concerns over governments' large-scale development projects.

(AP Photo/Bullit Marquez, File)

An Appeal to the Government of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic

Ng Shui Meng

Wife of Sombath Somphone

My name is Ng Shui Meng, the wife of Mr Sombath Somphone. I last saw my husband, driving in his jeep behind my car on Saturday, 15 December 2012. We were both going home to dinner. His jeep was still behind my car at around 6:00 p.m near the police post at Thadeua Road (KM 3). Soon after I did not see him anymore. When I arrived home and still did not see him, I called his handphone and a recording said that his phone was switched off.

At around 1:30 a.m. the same evening, we went out looking for him near the area where I last saw him and also went to the hospitals around the city to no avail. On the morning of 16 December we reported his missing to the village authorities and to the police and once more went looking for him in all the hospitals.

On Monday morning 17 December, we went to the Vientiane Municipality Police Station asking to review the CCTV footages taken around 6:00 p.m. We did see my husband stopped by the police at the Thadeua police post at 6:03p.m. Then we saw him getting out of the jeep and being taken into the police post. Later we saw a motorcyclist who stopped at the police post and drove off with my husband’s jeep leaving his motorcycle by the road side. Later another truck with flashing lights came and stopped at the police post and we saw two people taking my husband into the vehicle and drove off.

On 17 December, I wrote to the Chief of the Cabinet of the Ministry of Public Security outlining what I saw from the CCTV footages and sought his help to investigate the matter. On 18 December I wrote a letter to the Minister of Public Security appealing to him to give me information about my husband’s disappearance.
It is now nearly four days since the disappearance of my husband and I have yet to hear anything of his whereabouts.

I appeal to the Government of the Lao PDR to please investigate my husband’s disappearance as soon as possible, release information of his whereabouts and ensure his safety.

Losses by Pacquaio and Pablo

Devastating losses hover the Philippines. In those losses, many Filipinos tend to look up and utter, why? They still believe that the One above knows why.

The losses happened in separate locations: Mindanao and Las Vegas. The first one was about the loss of lives and properties caused by typhoon “Pablo.” The second one was about the knockout loss of Manny Pacquaio, an icon and pride of the Philippines. 

Unbelievable. That’s how the media sees the losses of lives in Mindanao. Also that’s how the boxing world describe the knockout loss by Pacquiao.

Interestingly, both losses have been associated with religious beliefs. This is not surprising. In a country where more than 80 percent rate themselves as religious, according to a 1998 Survey on Religion of the International Social Survey Program (ISSP), religion is deeply rooted in every aspect of daily life.

First in Mindanao, no less than a Catholic bishop had observed the association between the tragedy which killed hundreds of people and God’s message in the tragedy. In an interview by a Catholic-run Radio Veritas, Manila Auxillary Bishop Broderick Pabillo said, “I’m not sure if it may be just a coincidence, or God has a message that whenever it (Reproductive Health bill) is being decisively discussed, tragedies strike us.”

Bishop Pabillo, in the first instance, was refering to the controversial RH bill which is nearing passage in both Houses of the Philippine Congress. Vehemently opposed by the Catholic Church, the RH bill seeks to implement universal access to methods of contraception, age-appropriate sex education, maternal care, among others. In the second instance, the bishop was refering to this year’s  August and September massive floodings  in Metro Manila and surrounding areas which killed hundreds and displaced millions of people. During those times, the debates on RH bill were at their peak inside the halls of Congress and on the streets.

The bishop received criticisms for making the connection. Despite of that, many faithful shared  the view and connection made by the bishop. The critics, however, pointed to mining, illegal logging, and ill-preparedness of local governments and residents as the real culprits of the tragedy in Mindanao.

Second in Las Vegas, the knockout loss by Manny Pacquaio was beyond comprehension by his die-hard fans, especially Filipinos. Prior to the fight, boxing analyts put Pacquiao in a 2-1 favorite to win the fourth match with his Mexican rival, Juan Manuel Marquez. It meant that a bet of 2 dollars for Pacquaio would win 1 dollar if he prevailed. He lost by knockout.

Both boxers, in their interviews, provided their own explanations why the stunning knockout came. Marquez said that it was his technique and preparation that led to it. Pacquaio, on his part, said that it was his overconfidence when he carelessly charged for his vaunted 1-2 punch that made him a perfect recipient of a solid right counter-punch.

Boxing experts and analysts somewhat agreed on the two explanations, but they also offered their own. For example, former boxing champion Roy Jones Jr. thought that the muscular built of Marquez had added to the power which surprisingly put Pacquaio twice on the canvas; the last one was for good.

However, as we often say, mothers know best. Pacquaio's mother, a.k.a Mommy Dionisia, was interviewed, and she associated the loss to his son's change of religion. As a devout Catholic, Dionisia raised her son as a Catholic. In Pacquaio's previous fights, he would be normally seen wearing a rosary laced around his neck and making a sign of cross in every start of a round. This time (and in Bradley's fight where he lost too in a controversial decision), he was not seen wearing a rosary and making signs of a cross. His newly embraced religious beliefs prevented him from doing so.

The interview of Mommy Dionisia was beamed in a national television in the Philippines. Many Filipinos, to a certain extent through social media, gave credence to her explanation of that loss. They believe that Pacquaio received a message from the One embraced by majority of Filipinos, but may be not anymore by Pacquaio.

Similarly as hinted by the bishop, the losses in Mindanao is a message to the people who attempt to bend their religious beliefs to accommodate and, at the same time, cut the excesses of the modern world (e.g. hedonism, overpopulation, sexually transmitted diseases, etc.).

With all the given explanations of these losses, many Filipinos remain unconvinced, even by looking upward. The message might have been lost in the emotions. Incidentally, it is December. Majority of Filipinos believe that the true message is in the Child who is to come. And His message is of victory, superseding the losses of His peoples.

Talking about University for Peace (UPeace)

Last September 5, I was invited by UPeace-The Hague to join its team to orient students of Leiden University College (LUC)-The Hague of the opportunity to study in the UN-mandated University for Peace in Costa Rica. The other invited panels for the LUC Career Fair 2012 were government institutions, private companies, and international non-government organizations (NGOs).

As an alumnus of UPeace, my 10-minute talk would dwell much on my experiences in UPeace-Costa Rica. That was what they expected, and this is what I gave them or something like this:

"UPeace did not happen to me in an instant. It did not come to me. I sought for it.

Before I give my UPeace story, let me tell a little story from my sister and mother. One time, my elder sister told my mother, "Mama, when I grow big, I want myself to be like you." My mother of course was happy to hear that. And then, my sister added, "Mama, when you grow small, I want you to be like me."

Well, you know kids. It is logical that my sister can be like my mother. But I, as a boy, can not apply the same logic. Oh, this is the Netherlands; things are possible here.

Anyway, from that little story, I learned two things. First, young as we are, we look for our models in this world. Something that can guide us while we grow up and live our lives. Our first model is our family. My sister probably saw something in my mother that she wants to be when she grows up. My mother, as many mothers are, is hardworking, caring, loving, and present to us. So the first that I learned is having a model.
Second thing I learned from the story is about something that we believe we have that can contribute to the achievement of something good and noble. When my sister told my mom, "I want you to be like me." She probably meant, "Look Ma, I am happy and energetic; if you were like me, you could do many things and could be with us longer."

Models: we know that we do not live in the world that we want. In our minds, we have a model of the world we want. In reality, we are quite far from our world model. Poverty, violence, injustices, conflicts, discrimination, exclusion, and many other unwanted occurrences abound in our midst. In other words, this is not the world we want.

You can stop from there, and move on with your lives, accepting the dismal realities with indifference. But others opt to do something. If you read a news that some people are deprived of their human rights because they are different and then you feel something, and then you say that is not right. If you see authorities (e.g. police) abusing their position and power to disperse a peaceful demonstration, and you feel something is not right. If you watch a TV news on famine, health crisis or violent conflicts, people are dying needlessly.  If you feel something, and you believe that these are not right, I tell you, you are not alone.

This is what I experienced when I arrived in Costa Rica for my MA studies. Imagine a place or a campus, where you put 160 people from 60 countries who feel and believe, the same like you but in varying degrees, that these injustices, poverty, discrimination, exclusion, conflicts, are not right, and they do not belong to this world, our world.

Remember our world model.

Imagine what would be the discussions look like. Imagine the energies and ideas pouring and flowing from these people.

I was only one, but UPeace connected me to these people who, like my sister, believe that things can be like or close to our model. Possibilities of what can be done are limitless.

And so the professors come in to ground our flying ideas. Professors who are top-notch in their fields, who have seen most of the world, who have tried what works and does not work in certain contexts. They present theoretical frameworks to explain phenomena that confound us. They also present best practices that have been done in certain areas. Aside from these, professors ask questions that animate our wills.

If my sister thought that others could be like her, she believes she has something or some things worthy to share to others. And my sister thought that she can be like her mother, her model.

Nothing is stopping us from believing that we can have our model in our lifetime. At least we can try. And UPeace is there to help us try with hope."

  And this is my UPeace story, just the beginning and still continuing.

Being Indonesian from a non-Indonesian: More or less

Monas 2008

August 17, 2008. It was my second month in Mampang Prapatan, Jakarta Selatan, Indonesia. I went outside to go to the market when I was invited to join parlor and children's games on the street. The street was blocked by a pole with Indonesian flag (red and white) and my neighbors appropriated the street as a playground. I joined the balap karung (sack race). We lost the race, but there was no feeling of losing since everyone was having fun and receiving prizes. I received two candies. Despite the language barrier, we laughed and enjoyed those moments. I became part of the neighborhood. I then thought freedom and independence must not be exclusive; they are meant to be shared, to be felt, to be experienced by all.

Below is what I wrote four years ago when I was in Jakarta. It was published in Jakarta Post (http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2008/08/20/never-more-indonesian-aug-17.html)

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When was the last time you felt more Indonesian than ever? As a non-Indonesian, I ask this question because I saw how Kosovo celebrated when its parliament declared their independence from Serbia earlier this year. I also read the news about the celebrations in Mongolia on their winning their first ever Olympic gold medal in Beijing. So, when was it that you felt more Indonesian than ever?

Independence Day on Aug. 17 would have to be one of those moments when you felt good to be Indonesian. Seeing red and white all over the place with Indonesian flags flying high in every corner, on streets, buildings and outside houses. This gives us a sense of identity and belonging. There was hardly any other moment in history which is comparable to Indonesia's declaration of independence.

Winning an Olympic gold would undoubtedly make every Indonesian proud of their own athletes' achievements. And this is exactly what shuttlers Kido and Setiawan did for 225 million Indonesians. They delivered a golden performance for Indonesia in the men's doubles badminton at the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games.

The feat came at the expense of the Chinese team who were playing on their home turf. Any athlete would understand the odds of playing against a home court advantage, but Kido and Setiawan rose to the challenge, winning from behind a set to take the two succeeding sets against a hostile crowd.

Both events combined to make us proud to be Indonesian and gave us a sense of nationalism.

Becoming Indonesian is easy: You could be born of Indonesian parents or be naturalized through a legal process. However, being Indonesian is about much more than this -- much more than simply a nationality or citizenship which can be acquired by fulfilling bureaucratic requirements.

Being Indonesian resides in the core of we are, internalized in history, songs, traditions, institutions, or in the all-encompassing culture. In Freudian terms, being Indonesian is imprinted in the unconscious mind which is reflected in our conscious level.

Thus, these two significant events activated internalized meanings and symbolisms attached to being Indonesian -- and this may have been triggered by any number of different scenarios; putting up a flag, singing the national anthem, seeing pictures of heroes or presidents, taking part in local activities, posting a note in friendster or facebook or simply talking with friends and family, here or abroad.

In a critical world, the nation should be grateful for these two historic events. They have reaffirmed and secured the 63-year-old aspirations and goals of the proponents of an independent Indonesia among the young Indonesians who will now see our country through the next 63 years.

However, when a decree was issued banning Ahmadiyah (a religious sect) to observe its beliefs, was the government being more Indonesian? When professionals decide to work abroad and send their remittance back home, are they being less Indonesian than those who decide to practice their professions locally?

When students and businesspeople use English to communicate their ideas and feelings, are they being less Indonesian? When people chose to spend their Independence Day at Ancol with their families, are they less Indonesian than those who went to Monas or took part in other independence related activities?

These sample questions can take us back to the core of what it means to be Indonesian. And it is through continuous questioning and reflection that we will establish what is truly great about being an Indonesian.

Indonesia has celebrated its Independence Day 63 times already.

So what is new? Not much, except that these two events can serve to hold Indonesia and its peoples together and make sense of their special place in the world. Events such as these provide Indonesians with more reasons to celebrate triumphantly.